Friday, 22 June 2012

Since the outbreak of the Greek crisis, the country's moneyed class has been notable mainly by its absence

Spetses in Greece

Locals fear the island of Spetses is at risk of becoming a 'club for the rich'. Photograph: The Travel Library/Rex Feature

Scudding across the turquoise waters of the Argo-Saronic gulf, Ioannis Arnaoutis singled out the pearl-white sands of a little bay. The shore glistened in the midday sun. "It was especially imported from Asia by the owner of the mansion above the bay," said the boatman, one hand on the steering wheel of his water taxi, the other pointing in the direction of the cove. "It's a private beach, which is why there is only one umbrella on it."

Nearly three years into their country's worst crisis in modern times, life goes on as normal for Greece's super-rich. As the sun sets, oligarchs, shipowners, singers and media stars gather at the Poseidonion hotel on the island of Spetses opposite the little bay. They tuck into a menu that includes pasticcio laced with foie gras. Among them is a middle-aged man in a T-shirt proclaiming: "More is less".

Three days before Greeks cast their ballots in a make-or-break election, their country could not be more divided. Here there is no talk of the pain of crisis – the only topic of conversation elsewhere in Greek society. The destitution and despair of Athens is a world away – and for many quite clearly it is best kept that way.

"Greeks brought this crisis upon themselves," said a London-based shipowner upholding the sector's vow of silence by insisting on anonymity. "They allowed crooks and corruption to prosper."

Almost 100 years after it was built by a tobacco tycoon, the elegant Poseidonion remains the favourite playground for Athenian high society. The former King Constantine, who was schooled on the island, is a frequent visitor. Tonight, as the crowd sits on its terrace sipping cocktails, staff with long-handled brooms clean the bows of their mega-yachts moored in front of the hotel. A tiny pony takes their children – all guarded by nannies – around the plaza. While locals fret that Spetses, already known as the "new Monaco", is at risk of becoming a "club for the rich" there are also obvious payoffs.

Christina Ioannidis, who runs a high-end clothes shop on the island, says one of them is that the crisis has not affected her at all. "If truth be told, business couldn't be better," she says, knocking on wood. "I've had to employ an assistant all year round because there's such demand, even in winter."

Pumping money into the economy of Spetses – or the islands from which they hail – is a far cry from the world of philanthropy with which Aristotle Onassis and Stavros Niarchos and other fabled shipowners were associated. Known as the Golden Greeks, both men left large bequests in the form of charitable foundations. The Niarchos foundation recently gave €100m (£81m) to help civic society fight the crisis's many ills, with the aid including food vouchers for the children of the new poor and support for organisations dealing with the homeless.

But since the outbreak of Greece's runaway debt crisis, its moneyed class has been notable more by its absence than presence. Oligarchs, who made vast fortunes cornering the oil, gas, construction and banking industries, as well as the media, have been eerily silent – often going out of their way to be as low a profile as possible.

Greek shipowners, who have gained from their profits being tax-free and who control at least 15% of the world's merchant freight, have also remained low-key. With their wealth offshore and highly secretive, the estimated 900 families who run the sector have the largest fleet in the world. As Athens' biggest foreign currency earner after tourism, the industry remitted more than $175bn (£112bn) to the country in untaxed earnings over the past decade. Greece's debt currently stands at €280bn.

As ordinary Greeks have been thrown into ever greater poverty by wage and pension cuts and a seemingly endless array of new and higher taxes, their wealthy compatriots have been busy either whisking their money out of Greece or snapping up prime real estate abroad.

An estimated €8bn flowed out of the Greek banking system in May as speculation over the country's possible exit from the eurozone mounted. Another €4bn was reported to have been withdrawn in the last two weeks – on top of an estimated €20bn since the start of the crisis in late 2009. Stories of rich Greeks sending their wives and best friends on "shopping missions" to remove secret hoards kept in banks in Switzerland and Cyprus are legion.

"At a time when Greece, more than ever, needs symbolic gestures from its rich citizens, they seem to be doing practically nothing to help their country," said Theodore Pelagidis, professor of economic analysis at Piraeus University.

"We need to see cool-headed entrepreneurs not only complain about bureaucracy and corruption but do something for Greece."

In an atmosphere that has become increasingly aggravated between the haves and have-nots, displays of wealth are clearly being downplayed, especially in Athens, where the majority of the 11 million-strong Greek population lives and which has been worst hit by the belt-tightening.

Over the past year, Pelagidis said a growing number of very wealthy Greeks had even taken to inviting academics, like himself, to their mansions, in the capital's leafy northern suburbs, to be apprised of the situation. Lectures in particular demand were political, economic and historical in nature.

"They are so cut off they know nothing," he said. "I'm not sure whether it's a case of the spoiled and uneducated rich trying to overcome their remorse, or a case of them simply wanting to fight their boredom but after going once I decided never to go again. I came away thinking it was like a form of psychotherapy for them."

What is sure, however, is that the super-rich appear to have come up with contingency plans to disperse their wealth as the crisis deepens. In recent months, acting on a trend that began soon after Greece's debt woes erupted, a growing number have been snapping up property in London. Increasingly, many have made their way to the door of 88 (London) Ltd, a high-end property brokerage run by Panos Koutsogiannakis. Suddenly the Greek Australian has found himself investing in properties worth £5m and more.

"We're talking about blue-chip areas such as Mayfair," said Koutsogiannakis, who frequently flies to Athens to meet clients. "Shippers, bankers, entrepreneurs all want to buy properties with many now looking at fantastic office blocks in central London. The demand is just huge."

Greece's wealthy have long cited their country's crushing bureaucracy as preventing them from investing in their homeland.

But it has not been lost on ordinary Greeks that those who benefited most from the crooked system that has brought Greece to its knees – starting with the construction firms that had contracts with the state – are now leading the exodus as the ship sinks.

The white sands of beaches that boatmen such as Arnaoutis like to point out have fast begun to symbolise everything that is rotten with Greece.

"I hope our country changes," he says, "because if it doesn't there will be blood in our midst."

Tuesday, 12 June 2012

Greece unblocks funds to help ease energy crisis

Greece plan to release 40 million euros (32 million pounds) in emergency funds to help avert a looming power crisis, a court official said on Tuesday. Over the past two weeks, Greek energy companies have been in a frantic scramble for cash to avert an energy crunch caused by the country's economic crisis and flawed regulation. The 40 million euros had belonged to two small electricity retailers that went out of business earlier this year and were frozen as part of a judicial investigation into their bankruptcy. Greece's power regulator RAE had repeatedly urged authorities to unblock these funds to settle the two companies' debt to power grid operator LAGHE, which runs a deficit of more than 350 million euros. Greek court officials, who had hitherto refused to unblock the funds, relented after LAGHE's deficit caused a financial chain reaction that left power producers and state-run natural gas company DEPA short of cash to pay suppliers. "There is a risk of electricity disruptions in the coming days... part of the money will be used to pay electricity producers," a court official who declined to be named told Reuters. The stock of PPC , Greece's biggest power producer, rose 3 percent after the news, outperforming a 0.4 percent drop in the Athens stock exchange index <.ATG>. Both PPC and DEPA are already in talks with banks for emergency loans that would allow them to maintain operations. DEPA is looking for cash to pay its suppliers, such as Russia's Gazprom , a total 120 million euros for contracts due this month. A DEPA official who declined to be named said that the company managed on Monday to pay its obligations to Italy's ENI .

Thursday, 7 June 2012

Teetering on the brink of colossal euro apocalypse

great drama is playing itself out across Europe - and it threatens to be a Greek tragedy. The crisis in the eurozone now threatens to engulf it. A 'bank jog' has begun in Greece and in Spain, with savers removing money from potentially insolvent banks. This may herald a fully-fledged run in the weeks ahead. Economists now recognise a Greek exit from the euro as almost inevitable, caught as the country is in a death-spiral of deepening recession and increasingly unsustainable debt repayments. No one can predict the shocks to the wider European economy this earthquake will bring. Politics is essentially a battle between hope and fear and the dark forces of fear are gathering across Europe - scapegoating other nationalities and immigrants for the plight of the continent. The Far-Right Marine Le Pen scored well in the French presidential elections. Her Dutch populist counterpart, Geert Wilders, has brought down the government in the Netherlands. And the Greek elections saw an openly neo-nazi party win 21 parliamentary seats. But the forces of hope are mobilising, too. The Socialist candidate, Francois Hollande, triumphed in France; the Social Democrats delivered a humiliating defeat to Christian Democrat chancellor, Angela Merkel, in subsequent elections in the most populous German region. Merkel has dominated the European stage. Yet, fearful of collective solutions - which she associates with the dictatorial East Germany in which she grew up - she has insisted on a politics of national austerity, which has left at least nine EU countries in recession. It is the modern equivalent of leeching blood in the hope it will cure patients. The message of hope is that European solidarity can address the debt crisis in the periphery and stabilise the banking system. The economic bloodletting could be stemmed by: * the issuing of eurobonds, which would mutualise the debt and allow the bailed-out states to return to the financial markets * the European Central Bank offering unlimited, long-term loans to steady the banks, allied to tight regulation and a widening of the ECB mandate beyond countering inflation, and * support for a continent-wide, green economic recovery via the European Investment Bank, assisted by a revenue-raising tax on financial transactions. And that message is getting through. Merkel was isolated at the G8 summit at Camp David last month, as the US presidential host, Barack Obama, weighed in in support of the jobs agenda of Hollande. And she found her new French counterpart much more challenging than his conservative predecessor, Nicholas Sarkozy, at an EU summit in Brussels. As a weak, peripheral region, Northern Ireland's economy is intensely vulnerable to a wider European depression. True, it is not part of the eurozone - though, perversely, it is still being subjected to just the same austerity as the Republic (which last week voted by a large majority to approve the Fiscal Reform Treaty). This is because of the ideologically-driven commitment of the chancellor, George Osborne, at Westminster. But, outside of internal UK trade, most exports from Northern Ireland go to eurozone countries. Falling export demand allied to falling domestic demand is a recipe for trouble. Two years ago, when the Northern Ireland Assembly published research it had commissioned showing that the public took more interest in international affairs than events at Stormont, MLAs must have been scratching their heads. Yet, whatever the imposing facade of Parliament Buildings, anyone can see that it is but a cork bobbing on an ocean of wider economic forces. That, however, is no excuse for the deafening silence of Northern Ireland's political leaders on the European crisis and what can be done to address it. They have focused on a myopic demand for a cut in corporation tax for the region - a demand which, it is now clear, the Treasury will not endorse, because of its financial implications for internal UK tax leakage and its political implications for Scotland. And the last thing Europe needs now, when only unity offers strength, is a collapse into competing, inward-looking, beggar-thy-neighbour economic strategies such as these. In spite of the cuts in public expenditure faced at Stormont over the coming years, the DUP and Sinn Fein have recently agreed an £80m 'social investment fund', the criteria for whose allocation remain worryingly unclear. There is real danger that this money will be frittered away on projects reflecting political patronage, rather than social and economic logic. The Housing Executive estimates that its social housing estate needs at least £1bn of investment to bring it up to scratch. A far better way of investing any spare cash would be in a major programme of retro-fitting, across the private and public sectors, to reduce horrendous fuel poverty and provide 'green-collar' jobs, as in the Green New Deal which business, the unions and the voluntary sector have endorsed - but on which Stormont has gone cold. The fundamental problem is that Northern Ireland's main political parties have always benefited from the exploitation of fear - fear of the sectarian other. That's why they could only belatedly agree a modest, segregated housing scheme for the development opportunity represented by Girdwood Barracks in north Belfast. No wonder they offer so little by way of economic hope.

Bank of England meets amid talk of £50bn stimulus

Bank of England policymakers meet today to decide whether to change interest rates or to pump in more money into the ailing economy, with leading economist saying they may opt to inject a further £50bn of stimulus.

Europe is on the verge of financial chaos.

Global capital markets, now the most powerful force on earth, are rapidly losing confidence in the financial coherence of the 17-nation euro zone. A market implosion there, like that triggered by Lehman Brothers collapse in 2008, may not be far off. Not only would that dismantle the euro zone, but it could also usher in another global economic slump: in effect, a second leg of the Great Recession, analogous to that of 1937. This risk is evident in the structure of global interest rates. At one level, U.S. Treasury bonds are now carrying the lowest yields in history, as gigantic sums of money seek a safe haven from this crisis. At another level, the weaker euro-zone countries, such as Spain and Italy, are paying stratospheric rates because investors are increasingly questioning their solvency. And there’s Greece, whose even higher rates signify its bankrupt condition. In addition, larger businesses and wealthy individuals are moving all of their cash and securities out of banks in these weakening countries. This undermines their financial systems. 423 Comments Weigh InCorrections? Personal Post The reason markets are battering the euro zone is that its hesitant leaders have not developed the tools for countering such pressures. The U.S. response to the 2008 credit market collapse is instructive. The Federal Reserve and Treasury took a series of huge and swift steps to avert a systemic meltdown. The Fed provided an astonishing $13 trillion of support for the credit system, including special facilities for money market funds, consumer finance, commercial paper and other sectors. Treasury implemented the $700 billion Troubled Assets Relief Program, which infused equity into countless banks to stabilize them. The euro-zone leaders have discussed implementing comparable rescue capabilities. But, as yet, they have not fully designed or structured them. Why they haven’t done this is mystifying. They’d better go on with it right now. Europe has entered this danger zone because monetary union — covering 17 very different nations with a single currency — works only if fiscal union, banking union and economic policy union accompany it. Otherwise, differences among the member-states in competitiveness, budget deficits, national debt and banking soundness can cause severe financial imbalances. This was widely discussed when the monetary treaty was forged in 1992, but such further integration has not occurred. How can Europe pull back from this brink? It needs to immediately install a series of emergency financial tools to prevent an implosion; and put forward a detailed, public plan to achieve full integration within six to 12 months. The required crisis tools are three: ●First, a larger and instantly available sovereign rescue fund that could temporarily finance Spain, Italy or others if those nations lose access to financing markets. Right now, the proposed European Stability Mechanism is too small and not ready for deployment. ●Second, a central mechanism to insure all deposits in euro-zone banks. National governments should provide such insurance to their own depositors first. But backup insurance is necessary to prevent a disastrous bank run, which is a serious risk today. ●Third, a unit like TARP, capable of injecting equity into shaky banks and forcing them to recapitalize. These are the equivalent of bridge financing to buy time for reform. Permanent stability will come only from full union across the board. And markets will support the simple currency structure only if they see a true plan for promptly achieving this. The 17 member-states must jointly put one forward. Both the rescue tools and the full integration plan require Germany, Europe’s strongest country, to put its balance sheet squarely behind the euro zone. That is an unpopular idea in Germany today, which is why Chancellor Angela Merkel has been dragging her feet. But Germany will suffer a severe economic blow if this single-currency experiment fails. A restored German mark would soar in value, like the Swiss franc, and damage German exports and employment. The time for Germany and all euro-zone members to get the emergency measures in place and commit to full integration is now. Global capital markets may not give them another month. The world needs these leaders to step up.

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